BRUSSELS – EU leaders are set to enter into tough talks on Thursday to break the veto between Poland and Hungary, with the two countries trying to avoid oversight that could snatch EU funds if they continue. The threatening controversy over $ 1.8 trillion or $ 2.2 trillion in funding, including much-needed money to recover from the epidemic, has deepened divisions between member states and forced European leaders to calculate the nature of the camp. The growing compromise, standardized by Germany – which includes the coalition’s rotating presidency – will restrict funding for compliance with the rule of law, a victory for most member states. But the legally binding action will still flow. Officials and ambassadors explained before the scheduled meeting of the leaders that the agreement would provide a report limiting the camp to examine the spending of EU funds on Hungary and Poland. Members can challenge a decision in the European Court of Justice. In the usual EU style, such a compromise would allow the leaders of Hungary and Poland to save face at home or claim victory. But this will put an end to the position of delaying stimulus funds. A draft report seen by The New York Times, which could be finalized on Thursday, stated that the European Commission would define how the rule of law would operate and that it would not be used to discriminate against a member state or encroach on its sovereignty. The draft will allow member states to challenge the mechanism in court before use. Details help a long process, postponing any actual action for months or years. With elections looming in 2022, this could be to the advantage of Hungarian Liberal Prime Minister Viktor Orban. Legal experts were quick to criticize the growing compromise. “The draft is unprecedented and legally suspected, which guarantees that the European Commission will not enforce it,” said R. Daniel Keleman, a professor of political science and law at Rangers University. The $ 750 billion corona virus triggers the package and disrupts plans for a regular multi – year budget, and delays prevent it from going to countries where funding is most needed, preventing a new economic recovery from the worst recession in coalition history, but also exposing the depths of the war. The union is trying to unite to fight and show a united front, and Hungary and Poland have long been euro. The PIA, the camp’s administrative branch, is at odds over the removal of key regulations. Companies. The European Court of Justice, the Supreme Court of the European Union, has declared some of those policies illegal, but the retreat continues. Hungarian and Polish leaders argue that institutional change is their national uniqueness, and the Commission accuses Eastern European countries of using double standards, arbitrarily and politically explaining the rules of law. Many are worried about the damage to democracy in Poland and that not only will Hungary turn upside down, it will harm the entire European Union, the world’s largest democracy. “Europe is formed as a community of like-minded states, and in its DNA it is not. There is this awareness that there may be fundamental violations of the law within the EU,” said Wojciech Chatursky, a Polish and Australian expert on constitutional law who is a key critic of the Polish government. In Hungary, Mr. Orban and his allies led to a slow, systematic erosion of the rule of law, and they adopted a new constitution and changed the electoral laws in their favor. Stacked with believers because of their high-ranking positions, the consolidation of this power has severely hampered meaningful scrutiny: elections are free, but they are not fair; Controlled by proletarians; Opposition in parliament is small and has no practical power. Poland’s judicial reform, which comes in the guise of an attempt to exorcise the remnants of the communist-era system, has drawn criticism from the European Commission, which sees it as interfering in the independence of the judiciary. The war against the legal condition is coming as the number of corona virus cases is on the rise and the growing opposition movement on women’s rights is shaking Poland. Laurent Beck, a professor of European law at the University of Middlesex in London, says both countries follow “the same map that undermines checks and the balance of power.” “It starts with the seizure of the Constitutional Court and then takes control of the public media, the legal services and the police, usually ending with the revision of the electoral code,” he said. Beck said Hungary, along with Poland, is now “an electoral dictatorship” where the ruling party faces more opposition, not far behind. Since coming to power, P. Hollande’s nationalist-conservative government has taken control of the Constitutional Tribunal, placing the prosecutor’s office under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Justice and establishing a new disciplinary regime for judges. The European Court of Justice has ordered the suspension of the disciplinary body, but in recent months it has slashed the salaries of two judges who have criticized the government. The European Commission has brought a number of cases against both Hungary and Poland, mostly related to changes and management of the judiciary. But the process is slow, with dozens of people dedicated to a case over several months. In some cases, the court’s decision has been delayed. The Commission and Parliament have cases against Poland and Hungary for gross violations of EU values. The final penalty is the abolition of the right to vote, but in no case has any progress been made. The main focus of this process is with a group of member state leaders known as the Council of Europe, where Mr. Orban and Prime Minister Mathews Moraveki have occasional allies in Poland, the first of whom is German Chancellor Angela Merkel. The distrust that develops between citizens and governments in some rich and mature democracies is a new threat to the unity of the coalition. The so-called cheap countries that are net contributors to the budget are leading the charge against the skirt study of Poland and Hungary. Recent research shows that citizens in Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands and Sweden are not bothered by the large size of their countries. Contributions for EU spending, but I think some of the receiving countries do not have the necessary checks and balances to confirm sound costs. Another poll found that more than 70 percent of EU citizens, including those in Poland and Hungary, prefer regulatory testing for funding. That pressure is strong in the Netherlands, with Critic Prime Minister Mark Rutte, the most vocal critic of the Polish and Hungarian position, facing elections in March. And while there are serious problems in Poland and Hungary, legal issues lurk in many states, leading to concerns that appeasing Warsaw and Budapest could lead to more violations elsewhere. Understand the importance of the rule of law when it goes away, ”he said. Beck said. “When you have it, it’s very difficult to assess.” Reported by Medina Stevis-Gridnef and Monica Bronchuk from Brussels, Benjamin Novak from Budapest.
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