MOSCOW (AP): They are not lifelong leaders, at least not technically. But in political reality, the powerful leaders of China’s Xi Jinping and, as of this week, Russia’s Vladimir Putin seem to be stretching far further into the 21st century, even when the two superpowers leading the their destinies pick up more weight last year.
Moreover, as they consolidate political control at home, sometimes with harsh measures, they work together more substantially than ever in a growing challenge in the West and the other superpower in the world, the United States, which elects its leader. every four years.
This week, Putin signed a law that would allow him to remain in power until 2036. The 68-year-old Russian president, who has been in power for more than two decades (more than any other Kremlin leader since Soviet dictator Josef Stalin ) pushed through a constitutional vote last year, which allowed him to run again in 2024 when his current six-year term ends. He has overseen a systematic crackdown on dissent.
In China, Xi, who came to power in 2012, has imposed even tighter controls on the already repressive political scene, emerging as one of his nation’s most powerful leaders in the seven decades of Communist Party rule. start with Mao Zedong’s often brutal regime. . Under Xi, the government has rounded up, imprisoned or silenced intellectuals, legal activists and other voices, cracked down on Hong Kong opposition and used security forces to crack down on minority rights petitions in Xinjiang, Tibet. and Inner Mongolia.
Xi has sidelined rivals, shut down critics and tightened party control over information. Ongoing crackdown on corruption has garnered popular support while keeping potential competitors online.
His steady consolidation of power led to the abolition of term limits in the Chinese presidency in 2018, and overthrew a convention the party had established to prevent a repeat of the abuses produced by the rule for a single person of Mao. Xi further telegraphed his intention to remain in the breaking power of tradition and not to indicate a preferred successor. One who seemed eager to take on the role, Sun Zhengcai, was overthrown in 2017 and sentenced to life in prison on corruption charges.
And in Russia, Putin’s most outspoken critic, Alexei Navalny, was arrested in January on his return from Germany, where he spent five months recovering from a nerve agent poisoning that blames the Kremlin, an accusation that Russian authorities they have denied. In February, Navalny was sentenced to 2 1/2 years in prison.
By challenging the West, Putin and Xi have taken advantage of nationalist sentiments. Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea in 2014 boosted Putin’s approval ratings to nearly 90% before stalling amid economic problems and unpopular pension reform.
But the impact of Putin and Xi’s persistent retention of power hardly ends up on the borders of their respective nations. It moves towards the geopolitical balance of power in countless ways.
As Moscow’s relations with the West deepen until the post-Cold War period, amid accusations of election revenue and piracy attacks, Putin has sought to further strengthen ties with China. And while China has so far avoided a confrontation with the West like Russia, it is under increasing pressure from Washington and its allies for Beijing’s human rights record in Xinjiang, Hong Kong and the South China Sea. .
U.S. President Joe Biden has taken an increasingly hard line with the two leaders, who have recently described Putin as a “killer” and whose top national security aides are exorcising China for a litany of trouble. These approaches suggest that Moscow and Beijing will have incentives to build an even stronger alliance.
Like their nations, the two leaders have also fostered a closer relationship.
Putin and Xi have developed strong personal ties to strengthen a “strategic partnership” between the two former communist rivals as they fight with the West for influence. And while in the past Moscow and Beijing rejected the possibility of forging a military alliance, Putin said last fall that this prospect cannot be ruled out altogether.
While both Putin and Xi appear to be firmly entrenched, numerous challenges persist. The pandemic, for example, posed a major challenge for both rulers, and they took a similarly cautious approach when it attacked.
Putin responded last spring by introducing a broad six-week blockade that severely hurt Russia’s already weak economy. Its approval rating fell to an all-time low of 59%. The government later eased restrictions and moved away from new blockades, helping to reduce economic damage and boost Putin’s ratings.
Xi remained out of public view for the first few uncertain weeks, possibly fearing that any misstep might give rivals a chance to overthrow him. In the end, China controlled the pandemic better than many other places, improving Xi’s position as a leader.
Xi must also figure out how to satisfy ambitious young politicians who may see his career hampered by his long tenure. And he must show that his extensive government will not lead to the excesses of the Mao years, especially the disastrous and deeply traumatic Cultural Revolution of 1966-76.
“Xi has to deal with an essential paradox. He venerates Mao and builds the same cult on the personality and centrality of the party, “said Daniel Blumenthal, director of Asian Studies at the American Enterprise Institute.” But he knows his people are afraid and loathe Maoism, so “At the moment, he is a strong and undisputed leader, dealing with cracks and fissures in the party and society through Maoist-style campaigns and purges.”
Putin faces even more daunting challenges. Russia’s economy is a fraction of that of China and its overwhelming dependence on exports of oil and gas and other raw materials makes it vulnerable to market fluctuations. Western economic and financial sanctions have reduced Moscow’s access to Western technologies and capital markets, slowing the economy and hampering modernization efforts. Stagnant living standards and falling incomes have fueled growing discontent.
Russia’s increasingly close ties with China are part of its strategy to offset Western sanctions. Chinese companies provided replacements for missing Western technologies, helped with major infrastructure projects such as power supply to Crimea, and channeled cash flows to ease the burden of sanctions on Kremlin-connected tycoons.
“Beijing helped Moscow, at least to some extent, withstand pressure from the US and the EU,” wrote Alexander Gabuev, the top Chinese expert at the Carnegie Moscow Center in a recent analysis. “This aid also allowed Moscow to become more assertive elsewhere in the world, from being present in the Middle East and Africa to supporting the Venezuelan regime and interfering in US elections.”
Military cooperation remains an important frontier. As U.S. pressure grew, Russia moved to expand military ties with China. Its armed forces have conducted a series of joint exercises and Putin has noted that Russia has provided China with cutting-edge military technologies.
But a full alliance: to put the joint military force of Xi and Putin on their nations? Something like this seems less abstract when you consider the ever-closer relationship between the two long-term leaders.
“We don’t need it,” Putin said in October. “But theoretically, it’s very possible to imagine it.”
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From Beijing reported Ken Moritsugu, The Associated Press’s Greater China News Director.